The focus of this year's Legislative Report is the presentation of the initial results from two Boot Camp Offender surveys. The first survey, a Self-Report Survey, was designed to include questions relevant to factors that previous studies have found to be related to criminal behavior, such as substance abuse, prior criminal activity, employment history, and family stability. The second survey, the Boot Camp Evaluation Survey, measures attitudinal changes along several dimensions that are addressed through the programmatic aspects of the Boot Camp, such as self-control, motivation for change, self-efficacy, and decision-making. In addition, this survey also asks the offenders about their expectations of the program and whether those expectations were met. The responses from these surveys not only provide a more in-depth profile of the Boot Camp offender, but also will be useful in our future recidivism research.
The Boot Camp Evaluation Survey is being administered to offenders at three time periods: 1) upon arrival to the Boot Camp, 2) upon graduation from the Boot Camp, and 3) six months after graduation, while on parole. The Self-Report Survey is being given at the admission and parole stages. The findings in this report do not include responses from the parole stage, as that phase of the survey was just implemented in October 2001.
The findings in this report
are based on the responses from offenders who entered the Boot Camp in October
2000 through April 2001. These offenders were given the surveys shortly after
arrival at the Boot Camp and, six months later when they graduated [April 2001
through October 2001]. Between October 2000 and April 2001, there were 310 offenders
admitted to the program and 293 responded to the surveys. These 293 offenders
constitute the sample for the Self-Report Survey, which was only given at admission.
Of these 293 offenders, there were 255 who responded to the Boot Camp Evaluation
Survey, which was given at both admission and graduation. There were 17 offenders
who were dismissed from the program, 14 who voluntarily left the program, 1
who graduated at a later time, and 6 who did not sign the Informed Consent Form.
In order to compare responses of offenders who completed the survey at both
admission and graduation, we removed these 38 offenders from the analysis, which
resulted in a sample of 255 for the Boot Camp Evaluation Survey.
Responses from the Self-Report Survey
This section presents a summary of the findings from the five sections of the Self-Report Survey: 1) demographics, 2) education and employment, 3) family background, 4) involvement in criminal activity, and 5) drug and alcohol usage. The discussion below references both the charts included in this section, along with the more detailed information upon which the charts are based, which is provided in Appendix C.
Demographic Characteristics of Offenders
Charts 1a through 1h provide the demographic information for the Boot Camp Offender Survey sample. Consistent with the data provided in Part I of this report, the survey responses reveal
Charts
1a - 1h. Demographic Characteristics
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that the majority of Boot Camp offenders are male [98%], black [51%], and young [mean age of 25 years]. However, some additional demographic information on religion, marital status, children, and living arrangements was also obtained from the survey. The predominate religion was Protestant [46%], followed by Catholic [26%], and Muslim [15%]. Only 4% of the offenders said they did not identify any religion. Furthermore, the majority of offenders indicated that their religion was important to them as reflected by the 80% who responded that religion strongly influenced their behavior and how they lived their lives.
The majority of offenders [76%] indicated that they had never been married, and were more likely to be common-law married [11%] than legally married [8%]. Very few offenders were divorced [4%], legally separated [1%], or widowed [1%]. However, 41% of the offenders responded that they were living with a spouse or a partner at the time of their arrest. About 25% reported that they were living with a parent and 12% said they were living alone. Other living arrangements included living with a friend [12%], other family members [6%] or being homeless [1%]. On average, offenders had moved three times in the past five years, with 62% of the offenders having lived at their last residence for less than two years.
Most of the offenders [61%] had children, and of those with children, 47% responded that they had one child, 26% had two children, 14% had three children, and 13% had four or more children. A slight majority [52%] reported that their children were living with them.
Charts 2a through 2f provide information on the offenders' educational background and employment status at the time of their arrest. About 58% of the offenders reported that they had completed high school. Of those, 15% attended college, though only 2% of them had graduated from college. An additional 14% pursued a trade or technical school following high school.
The majority of offenders [61%] were employed at the time of their arrest; 37% were employed full time, 16% were employed part time, and 8% were employed while also attending school. Of those unemployed, 18% were looking for a job while 17% were not seeking employment. The most common type of work was construction [19%] and factory [13%] jobs, followed by trade [10%], clerical [9%], food service [8%], and janitorial [8%]. The average length of time that offenders were employed in the job preceding their arrest was 23 months, though 52% of them had been employed for less than a year.
While 61% of the offenders reported an income of less than $2,000 the month prior to their arrest, 21% indicated that their income was over $4,000. About 51% of the offenders earned this income through their jobs while 40% obtained the money via illegal sources. The remaining 8% of offenders responded that their primary income was obtained through other sources such as a parent or spouse. Further analyses revealed that those with the greatest income [i.e., over $4,000] were more likely to obtain their money via illegal sources than through employment.
Charts
2a - 2f. Education and Employment
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Charts 3a through 3d provide some information on the offender's family background. The respondents indicated that their parents were better educated than they were with about 75% of both parents completing high school compared to 58% of the offenders. Their mothers were more likely than their fathers to attend college [27% vs. 16%] and to graduate from college [13% vs. 11%]. Their fathers were somewhat more likely than their mothers to pursue trade or technical school training [14% vs. 10%].
The offenders were as likely to grow up in a household with two parents as with one parent [43% vs. 42%], while a minority were raised by grandparents [8%]. Of those raised in a two-parent household, about 4% indicated that one of the parents was a stepparent. Single parent households were much more likely to involve mothers than fathers [32% vs. 4%]. Only 2% of offenders had no brothers or sisters, with the majority [51%] reporting having at least four siblings.
Most of the information in Charts 4a through 4h relates to the offender's past criminal activity, though we also were interested in knowing whether the offender's family and friends had been involved with the criminal justice system. While 54 % of the offenders reported that a family member had been in jail, an even larger percentage, 86%, reported that a friend had been in jail.
About 59% of the offenders responded that they had been the victim of a crime, with most reporting victimization of a serious nature, such as robbery [47%] and assault [21%]. Consistent with the information presented in Part I, the survey found that the vast majority of offenders admitted to Boot Camp had been convicted of drug offenses [70%], followed by convictions for burglary [7%], theft [7%], assault [6%], and robbery [4%].
About 93% of the offenders revealed that they had committed prior offenses, consisting mostly of drug dealing [68%], drug use [46%], theft [44%], DUI [31%], assault [25%], and burglary [15%]. Most of the offenders [55%] had been arrested when they were juveniles, with the average age at first arrest being 17 years. Furthermore, 72% of offenders with juvenile arrests had also been incarcerated as juveniles.
Involvement with Drugs and Alcohol
The final section of the Self-Report Surveys addresses the offender's involvement with drugs and alcohol [Charts 5a-5e]. The vast majority of offenders [86%] responded that they had used drugs, with 85% of those offenders starting their drug use as a juvenile. The average age that offenders started using drugs was 15 years. Most offenders indicated that they had used marijuana, [77%] the year prior to arrest, while a smaller number of offenders had used cocaine [26%], LSD [14%], PCP [13%], and barbiturates [13%]. About 61% of the offenders obtained their drugs via a 'street buy' while 22% noted that friends were their source for drugs.
Charts
3a - 3d. Family Background
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Charts
4a - 4h. Involvement with Crime
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Charts
5a - 5e. Involvement with Drugs and Alcohol
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About 51% of the offenders said they used drugs daily the month prior to their arrest, including the day they were arrested. About 21% used drugs once a week or less and 29% said they had not used any drug the month prior to their arrest. Though 63% of the offenders indicated that they had [reviously tried to quit drugs, 62% did not express fear of ever being an addict.
With respect to alcohol, offenders were more likely to drink beer [76%] and liquor [71%] than wine [29%]. Further, 18% responded that they drank beer daily the year before their arrest compared to 8% of those who drank liquor and 4% of those who drank wine. Additionally, 25% revealed that they had been drinking the day of the current offense. About 31% said they had tried to quit drinking, though only 15% expressed fear of ever being an alcoholic. The large majority, [88%], were not solitary drinkers but rather drank with others.
Consistent with the data provided in Part I of this Report, the Self-Report Survey provided a demographic profile of the typical Boot Camp offender as young, Black, and male. The survey also provided additional information on the offender about religious affiliation, marital status, children, and living arrangements prior to arrest. The vast majority of the respondents said they identified with a specific religion and indicated that their religious affiliation strongly influenced how they lived their lives. Though only 18% reported being married [legally or common law] 41% indicated that they had been living with a spouse or partner prior to their arrest. Most offenders, including many who reported never having been married, had at least one child, and slightly over half of these offenders said their children were living with them.
About 61% of the offenders were employed, with most of the employed offenders [60%] having full-time jobs. The average length of time offenders had been employed at their jobs was 23 months, though 29% indicated they had been at their job six months or less. Most offenders held manual labor jobs, such as construction and factory work, with an average monthly income between $1200-$1500. While 51% of the offenders said that their jobs were their primary source of income, 40% said that their income primarily came from illegal sources. Furthermore, those with greater incomes were more likely to indicate that the source was through illegal means.
While most of the offenders
had completed high school [58%], their parents were even more likely than to
have done so [75%]. Offenders indicated that their mothers were more likely
than either their fathers or themselves to both attend and graduate from college.
The percentage of offenders living with both parents versus one parent during
their childhood was virtually the same [43% vs. 42%], with 8% indicating that
they were raised by grandparents.
Most offenders reported
that they had been previously been involved in prior criminal activity [mostly
drug dealing and drug use] and that they had family members [54%] or friends
[86%] who had previously been incarcerated. Most offenders had been arrested
as a juvenile, with the average age at first arrest being 17 years. Of those,
72% had also been incarcerated as a juvenile. A majority of offenders also reported
having been the victim of a crime, primarily involving robbery or assault.
Charts
5f - 5j. Involvement with Drugs and Alcohol (cont.)
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A large majority of offenders were in the Boot Camp for drug convictions [70%] and an even larger percentage [86%] indicated that they had used drugs at some point in their lives. However, 29% indicated that they had not used drugs in the year previous to their arrest. They reported being slightly younger [average age=15] when they first tried drugs than when they were first arrested for a crime [average age=17]. While 77% reported using marijuana, less than 30% indicated using any other type of drug the year before their arrest. The frequency of reported alcohol use was less than the frequency of reported drug use. Beer and liquor were strongly preferred over wine, though much less likely to be consumed on a daily basis [18%, 8%, 4%, respectively] than drugs [51%].
While more offenders reported fear of drug addiction than alcoholism [38% vs. 15%], most were not fearful of having either substance abuse problem. However, offenders did report that they had, at some point, tried to quit taking drugs [63%] and drinking alcohol [31%]. A large percentage of offenders [52%] reported using drugs the day they committed their offense, while a smaller percentage [25%] reported drinking alcohol that day.
Responses from the Boot Camp Evaluation Survey
This section of the report
presents the findings from the Boot Camp Evaluation Survey, which addressed
six major areas: 1) attitudes toward the Boot Camp Program, 2) indicators of
self-control, 3) self-efficacy and decision-making skills, 4) motivation for
treatment, 5) family and friends, and 6) opportunities for the future. The survey
was given at both the admission and graduation stages to measure whether any
changes occurred as a result of going through the program. The survey consisted
of 83 questions with five response choices: 1) strongly disagree, 2) disagree,
3) undecided, 4) agree, and 5) strongly agree. The tables that present the offenders'
responses are included at the end of this section. For simplicity purposes,
in the discussion below, references to 'agreed' includes both 'agree' and 'strongly
agree'; likewise references to 'disagreed' includes both 'disagree' and 'strongly
disagree', unless specifically indicated otherwise. When a finding is referred
to as significant, this means it was found to be statistically significant.
Expectations of the Program
In addressing offender expectations of the program, we used three scales that were developed by researchers conducting boot camp evaluations in other states: 1) easy time, 2) beneficial expectations, and 3) personal change. The questions included on the 'easy time' scale reflect the offenders' expectations that boot camp would be desirable because it was perceived as being safer, easier, and/or shorter than prison. The questions for the 'beneficial expectations' and 'personal change' scales addressed whether the offenders anticipated that the Boot Camp would influence them in a positive manner.
Table 21 provides responses to the questions relevant to the offenders' 'Expectations of the Program.' With respect to 'easy time', most offenders expected that Boot Camp would be difficult. While they reported at graduation that the program was indeed not easy, there was some evidence that Boot Camp was not as difficult as anticipated. Offenders were significantly more likely at graduation than at admission to agree that Boot Camp was an easy way to do time [12% vs. 5%], that the work would not be hard [26% vs. 7%], or that a shorter time in Boot Camp was easier than a longer sentence in prison [62% vs. 50%]. On the other hand, offenders were just as likely at both admission and graduation to disagree that Boot Camp was just a game to be played to get out of prison earlier [86% vs. 87%] or that the only good thing about the program was that it shortened their sentence [85% vs. 86%]. Additionally, at both admission and graduation, offenders reported that they felt safer in Boot Camp than in prison [69% and 75%, respectively].
With respect to 'beneficial expectations', most offenders had high expectations that the Boot Camp would have a positive impact on their lives, though these expectations were not always met. They were significantly less likely to respond at graduation than at admission that they learned self-discipline [84% vs. 95%] or new things about themselves [86% vs. 91%]. Furthermore, they were significantly less inclined to feel that Boot Camp would help them get a job [58% vs. 61%], had changed them [82% vs. 87%], had helped them in any way [91% vs. 94%], or applied to life outside [83% vs. 89%]. It is noteworthy, however, that even when this was the case, the overwhelming majority still reported favorable opinions about the program at graduation.
Further evidence that offenders found the program to be beneficial was in their attitudes toward the substance abuse programs. While about one-third of the offenders entering Boot Camp were undecided about the potential benefits of the substance abuse counseling to be offered, only 10% still felt that way at graduation. Rather, at graduation, 83% indicated that the drug and alcohol programs were worthwhile, compared to 66% who felt this way at admission. Additionally, offenders at both admission and graduation felt that Drill Instructors deserved a great deal of respect [96% and 93%, respectively].
Offenders also had high expectations that Boot Camp would provide positive 'personal change." Similar to the findings concerning 'beneficial expectations', the majority of offenders reported positive personal growth as a result of going through the program, though their expectations were sometimes greater than what they experienced. They were significantly less likely to respond at graduation than at admission, that they had become a better person [77% vs. 89%] or that they would not get into trouble again [71% vs. 79%]. On the other hand, their expectations about becoming more mature were met with 76% responding at admission and 75% at graduation that they had matured. In addition, they were significantly more likely to have pride in their acceptance to Boot Camp upon graduation than at admission [94% vs.90%].
As one of the legislative objectives of the Boot Camp was to instill self-discipline, we included questions to examine whether the offenders gained a better sense of self-control as a result of going through the program. Specifically, the Self-Control Scale was comprised of questions relating to six sub-areas measuring the concept of self-control: 1) impulsiveness, 2) simple tasks 3) risk taking, 4) physical activities 5) self-centeredness, and 6) temper.
Table 22 provides the responses to the questions from the Self-Control Scale. Overall, on all six subscales, the responses indicate that the offenders gained a better sense of self-control after going through the Boot Camp Program, though not all of the findings were significant. The most pronounced change was with respect to 'impulsivity', where there were significant differences in the responses for three out of the four questions. Offenders indicated that, after attending Boot Camp, they were less likely to: act on the spur of the moment [29% vs. 44%], ignore preparing for the future [5% vs. 22%], and engage in immediate pleasures at the cost of a distant goal [17% vs. 34%]. Offenders also expressed more concern about what happened to them in the future after attending Boot Camp [69% vs. 59%], though this change was not significant.
With respect to the questions measuring 'simple tasks', offenders indicated that they were significantly less likely to avoid difficult projects [21% vs. 11%] and to dislike hard tasks that stretched their abilities [15% vs. 10%] after attending the Boot Camp than before. Offenders were also less likely to quit when faced with complications [11% vs. 4%], though this finding was also not significant.
Two of the subscales, 'physical activity', and 'self-centered' had significant changes in the responses to two of the four questions. While offenders were inclined to prefer physical rather than mental activity upon entering the Boot Camp, they demonstrated an even greater preference for physical activity after going through the program. Specifically, they were less likely at graduation than at admission to choose a mental activity over physical one [30% vs. 48%] and more likely to have energy and a need for activity [63% vs. 50%].
While most offenders did not demonstrate that they self-centered before attending Boot Camp, there was some indication of increased sensitivity to others after going through the program. They were less likely to go after things they wanted for themselves if this presented problems for others [10% vs. 23%]. On the other hand, they were also less likely to indicate that they were sympathetic to others with problems [71% vs. 78%].
For two of the subscales, 'risk-seeking' and 'temper', there were no significant changes in the offenders' responses. While offenders were less inclined to engage in risky behavior, to do exciting things that might get them into trouble, and to find excitement more important than security after going through Boot Camp, these changes were not significant.
Self-Efficacy and Decision Making
The third area of the evaluation captured the extent to which offenders felt they had control over their lives [self-efficacy scale] and the confidence they had in themselves to make sound decisions [decision making scale]. Table 23 shows that, overall, most offenders entered the program with a high level of self-efficacy, so there was not much change in their responses to questions measuring this concept. Though their responses did indicate a slight increase in having a better sense of control over their lives, only two of the seven questions had significant changes. These changes, however, were in opposite directions. While offenders were less likely to feel helpless [15% vs. 30%] at graduation than at admission, they also indicated feeling more inadequate in solving some of their problems [15% vs. 7%].
Offenders experienced the most pronounced change with respect to their decision-making skills [Table 24[. Their responses to all nine questions addressing this concept were all indicative of becoming better equipped to make sound decisions, with significant changes to seven of these questions. After going through Boot Camp, offenders were significantly more likely to: consider how their actions affected others [82% vs. 71%], plan ahead [89% vs. 73%], make good decisions [71% vs. 42%], think about the results of their actions [84% vs. 74%], and think of alternative solutions to a problem [89% vs. 79%]. In addition, they were significantly less likely at graduation than at admission to make decisions without thinking about the consequences [23% vs. 41%] and to have trouble making decisions [8% vs. 18%].
In the Boot Camp's enabling legislation, the Legislature recognized "that the frequency of convictions is attributable in part to the increased use of drugs and alcohol" and as a result mandated that the Boot Camp offer substance abuse treatment [Act 215 of 1990]. In response, a major focus of the Boot Camp has been a requirement that all offenders participate in substance abuse treatment and education. Thus, the fourth area of the evaluation survey used two scales, Drug Problem Recognition and Desire for Help, to examine the offenders' motivation for treatment.
Table 25 shows the responses to the Motivation for Treatment questions, which provide some evidence that the Boot Camp is positively influencing the offender's substance abuse problems. After going through Boot Camp, offenders were significantly less likely than before to view drugs as making their lives worse [31% vs. 35%], creating more trouble than they were worth [37% vs. 46%], causing trouble with the law [35% vs. 48%] or their work [30% vs. 39%], or being an overall problem [18% vs. 35%]. Additionally, they were significantly less likely to feel that they needed help with their drug problem [18% vs. 33%], to have an urgent need for help [14% vs. 28%], or to feel that their life was out of control [22% vs. 40%]. Furthermore, evidence of their 'desire to change' was the offender's willingness, at both admission and graduation, to give up old friends and hangouts to solve their drug problem [67% and 68%, respectively].
It is worth noting that most offenders did not perceive drugs as causing a problem in their lives when they entered the Boot Camp and furthermore, they felt they could quit using drugs without help. However, the Self-Report Survey also found that about 29% of offenders reported no drug use the month prior to their arrest. The number of offenders responding to the Motivation for Treatment questions was less than the number responding to the other questions on the survey, indicating that many, but not all, who had reported not using drugs did not respond to these questions. Thus, future analyses will be conducted to differentiate the responses of those offenders who had used drugs prior to their arrest in comparison to those who did not.
Previous research has shown
that maintaining strong family bonds can reduce criminal involvement while associating
with delinquent friends can increase it. Therefore, we asked offenders about
their connection to family and friends utilizing two scales: Family Warmth and
Friends in Trouble. As the questions asking about family warmth and friends
are only included in the survey administered at Phase I [admission to Boot Camp]
and Phase III [while on parole], we will only be discussing the responses given
at admission in this year's Legislative Report.
Table 26 shows that most offenders had strong family ties in that they experienced
a feeling of togetherness with their family, [75%], spent time with their family
on a daily basis [59%], ate meals together [54%], received attention from their
family [79%], and felt loved by their family [85%]. Additionally they indicated
that their family would cheer them up when they were sad [78%], express affection
[81%], assist them with their problems [74%], listen to their problems [76%],
and have fun together [59%].
While most offenders revealed that they had at least some friends who had been involved in unconventional activity involving the law, drugs, or school, a minority indicated that all or most of their friends had been in trouble [Table 27]. At least a quarter of the offenders, however, responded that either most or all of their friends had engaged in activity that could get them into trouble with the law [39%], had used a weapon in a fight [26%], been in trouble with police because of alcohol or drugs [33%], or had been stopped by the police [40%]. A smaller percentage of offenders reported that most or all of their friends had damaged people's property on purpose [11%] or had done things to get them into trouble at work [12%].
Table 28 presents the responses
to the final set of questions relevant to the offenders' perceptions concerning
future opportunities. While offenders were looking forward to a more promising
future upon entering the Boot Camp, they were significantly more likely upon
graduation to respond that they could attend college [73% vs. 60%], get a job
[91% vs. 83%], and keep a job [94% vs. 90%]. Further, at both admission and
graduation, 85% responded that they would like to have a college education and
would be disappointed if they ended up in prison again [96% and 95%, respectively].
Interestingly there was a small, but statistically significant, decrease in
the percentage who responded that they were excited about starting over [98%
vs. 94%], though the overwhelming majority were looking forward to a new start.
Summary of Boot Camp Evaluation Survey
The Boot Camp Evaluation Survey, which was given to offenders at admission and graduation, addressed six major areas: attitudes toward the Boot Camp Program, indicators of self-control, self-efficacy and decision-making skills, motivation for treatment, association with family and friends, and opportunities for the future. Overall, the findings indicate that offenders felt they benefited from the program, were instilled with a greater sense of self-control, gained better decision-making skills, and were excited about their future opportunities.
Upon entering the Boot
Camp, offenders expressed high expectations, which were not always met. It is
noteworthy, however, that even when this was the case, the overwhelming majority
still reported favorable opinions about the program. For example, offenders
indicated that after going through Boot Camp, they had learned more self-discipline
[84%], had learned things applicable to life outside [83%], found the programs
to be helpful [84%], had become a better person [77%], were less likely to get
into trouble again [71%], and were better equipped to obtain employment [58%].
In addition they were significantly more likely to have pride in being accepted
into the Boot Camp after attending the program. Offenders also indicated that
the Boot Camp had been easier than anticipated that the work had not been as
difficult as envisioned, and it was better than serving a longer sentence in
prison. Offender expectations were met, however, with respect to gaining maturity
[75%], benefiting from the substance abuse counseling [83%], and feeling safer
than they would have in prison [75%].
One of the initial objectives of the Boot Camp was to instill self-discipline,
and the findings from the Self-Control Scale questions provide support that
this objective is being met with respect to decreasing impulsive behavior. Offenders
reported that, after attending Boot Camp, they were significantly less likely
to act on the spur of the moment, ignore preparing for the future, and much
more likely to delay immediate gratification for a distant goal. Furthermore,
they were significantly more likely to demonstrate a capability to engage in
difficult tasks that stretched their ability. Upon admission to the program,
offenders indicated that they did not perceive themselves as 'risk seekers'
or as having a 'temper' and their perceptions on these two dimensions did not
change significantly after going through the program.
The area in which offenders appeared to experience the most change was with respect to their enhanced decision-making capabilities. After going through the program, they were significantly more likely to consider how their actions affected others, plan ahead, make good decisions, think about the results of their actions, and think of alternative solutions to a problem. In addition they were significantly less likely to have trouble making decisions or to make decisions without thinking about the consequences.
One of the legislative intents behind the establishment of the Boot Camp was to reduce crime by addressing the underlying problem of substance abuse. The survey responses provide evidence that offenders had benefited from the substance abuse programs in that, after going through the program, they were significantly less likely to see drug use as a problem, feel that drugs would get them into trouble with the law, interfere with work, or make their life worse. Furthermore, after Boot Camp, offenders were significantly less likely to feel that they needed help with their drug use, that their life was out of control, or to strongly agree that they needed to get their life straightened out. It is important to note, however, that most offenders did not see their drug use as a problem when they entered the Boot Camp. We need to examine the responses further to differentiate those of offenders who had reported using drugs on the Self Report Survey from those who did not.
Two major factors influencing an individual's involvement in crime is the strength of the family bonds and the association with delinquent friends. Most offenders expressed strong family bonds in that they spent time with their family on a daily basis, often ate together, had fun together, expressed love, and received help with problems. The majority of offenders had at least a few friends who had been in trouble with police because of drugs or alcohol, had quit school, used a weapon in a fight, been stopped by police, or had damaged property on purpose. However, the majority also indicated that most of their friends had not been involved in these types of activities.
When asked about their
future, most offenders were optimistic in that they were significantly more
likely to believe that they could attend college, secure employment, and keep
a job after going through Boot Camp. Further, they were significantly more likely
to be excited about 'starting over'.
What is Next?
As the Boot Camp survey is an ongoing endeavor, we will continue to report on the results of these surveys in upcoming legislative reports. We anticipate that next year's report will expand upon the findings presented in this report in three major ways. First, we will update the results from the two surveys with an additional year of data. Second, the larger sample size will allow us to conduct further analyses, such as looking at predictors of success relating to both crime and substance abuse. Third, we will be able to examine the lasting benefits of the Boot Camp Program by analyzing the survey responses of the Boot Camp graduates after they have been on parole for six months.
Table
21. Expectations of the Program
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Table
22. Self Control Scales
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Table
23. Self Efficacy Scale
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Table
24. Decision-Making Scale
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Table
25. Motivation for Treatment Scales
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Table
26. Family Warmth Scale
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Table
27. Friends in Trouble Scale
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Table
28. Opportunities for the Future
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